Intrinsicism at Work

 Posted by on 17 September 2004 at 7:42 am  Uncategorized
Sep 172004
 

This exchange between Eugene Volokh and one of his readers culminates in perhaps the most perfect statement of methodological intrinsicism that I’ve ever seen.

The reader originally said:

Homosexuality is debasing to all who take part in that perversion. The finer sensibilities that distinguish humans from animals, these are partly benumbed by this debasing act. All society suffers proportionately.

Eugene replied in part:

You make assertion after assertion, but you give no support for them. Why is it exactly that I suffer because two friends of mine decide to have sex in a particular way in the privacy of their own home? Why does it even debase them? Why does it erode the finer sensibilities that distinguish humans from animals? Again, you just say these things — why should I believe them?

The reader revealed himself:

The fact that you cannot determine that sexual perversions such as sodomy are debasing is in itself evidence that you are unable to determine what the truth is at this time. When you begin to search for truth with the aim to live the truth, you will find it.

God made us for a reason. (Emphasis added.)

Eugene then rightly makes good fun of this reader, but only for the last line. In fact, I think that the italicized paragraph is far more revealing.


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Sep 172004
 

The short essay that follows was my “opening statement” in the not-really-debate between all five T.A.s in Robert Hanna’s “Introduction to Ethics” class presented yesterday. After the statements were read, the floor was opened up to the students for questions, comments, and the like. To my surprise, I received a few questions of clarification but few objections from those students. (The TAs didn’t directly respond to each other’s arguments.) The students are now charged with the assignment of writing up short “critical response papers” on the subject. (I’ve omitted the footnotes, but my only real source was Daniel Pipes’ Militant Islam Reaches America.)

Shortly after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, President Bush formulated what came to be known as the “Bush Doctrine.” He claimed (1) that the U.S. would “make no distinction between the terrorists who committed these acts and those who harbor them” and (2) that “every nation, in every region, now has a decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists.” As a pre-emptive, nation-building war contrary to the wishes of some traditional allies, the war in Iraq raised considerable opposition at home and abroad. Yet Bush pressed forward, seemingly impervious to the objections of his critics. He seems to have talked tough and acted tougher — perhaps like the “American cowboy” sometimes charged. Meanwhile, Iraq seems to spiraling downward into a morass of civil unrest and deadly terrorism.

In light of all that, let me offer a sure-to-be controversial proposal: Bush is not really serious about effectively prosecuting his war on terror. Despite regime change in both Afghanistan and Iraq, he’s been pussyfooting around over the past three years, consistently conceding moral ground to the enemy, to the purveyors of the violent, oppressive, and primitivist ideology that is militant Islam. From what I’ve seen, I suspect part of the reason to be moral relativism.

As you might recall from class, moral relativism denies the possibility of universal ethical truths. Because different cultures have different moral codes, morality is said to be nothing but a matter of cultural opinion. Understanding, tolerance, and accommodation of the beliefs and practices of others are upheld as of paramount importance. But as Professor Hanna noted in class, just because people disagree about ethical principles doesn’t imply that all are equally valid. Some people and some principles might just be wrong.

So what do I mean when I say that President Bush’s policies regarding militant Islam are influenced by moral relativism? I mean that apart from matters of violence, he is unwilling to defend the fundamental values of Western culture as superior to those which presently dominate the Middle East, including militant Islam. When it comes to Western modernism, this-worldliness, rationality, individualism, and secularism versus Islamist primitivism, death-worship, mysticism, tribalism, and theocracy, President Bush is equivocal. How so?

As members of al-Qaeda, the 9/11 hijackers were motivated by militant Islam, a totalitarian ideology which seeks to destroy America by transforming it into autocratic Islamist state. Yet the Bush Administration has consistently refused to identify Islam as playing any role in the present conflict. Our response to 9/11 is defined in vague terms as part of a “war on terror” — even though terrorism is just a martial tactic, not a definite enemy to destroy. President Bush explicitly denies that the war on terror is “a war of religion, in any way, shape, or form” — as if the 9/11 hijackers had no religious ideology whatsoever. His administration bends over backwards to present Islam in a positive light though vague blandishments like that from a State Department official: “Islam, like Christianity and Judaism, preaches peace and nonviolence.” Multiple Bush Administration officials have flatly denied any clash of civilizations between West and East, often insisting that Islam is quite consistent with Western values. Similarly, President Bush insists — without debate or argument — that the violence of terrorism is a perversion of Islam. The Bush Administration routinely seeks to reassure American Muslims of our friendliness toward their religion, without ever asking that they publicly renounce or discourage violence, hatred of America, or militant Islam. President Bush has treated freedom as a self-evident and universal value, even though the freedom sought by far too many Muslims is the “freedom” to oppress and dominate their neighbor with religious law. In Iraq, our military has been reluctant to bomb or shoot into mosques used as cover by militants out of respect for Islamic holy sites, even though that policy risks American lives by providing the enemy with safe haven. All in all, it seems that the Bush Administration mostly objects to the violent methods of the 9/11 hijackers, not their goal of transforming America into an Islamist state.

In essence, the Bush Administration is floundering in its own moral fog. It refuses to identify its basic enemy as militant Islam. It defends Islamic values as morally equal to Western values. It often subordinates military victory to Muslim goodwill. It focuses on the violent methods of some militant Islamists rather than the more dangerous goals of the ideology. In order to avoid the charge of cultural imperialism, the Bush Administration is routinely lapsing into cultural relativism. As a result, America lacks a clear vision and purpose in this conflict — and that undermines our capacity to eliminate the grave threat posed by militant Islam. The corresponding impression of weakness and self-doubt emboldens the militant Islamists’ dreams of transforming America into an Islamist theocracy.

Successfully defending ourselves in this present conflict requires a deep understanding of and appreciation for what is at stake: Western culture. In the face of the cultural imperialism of the militant Islamists, moral relativism is not a viable option. Nor is cultural relativism true, for by any reasonable standard, the essentials of Western culture — values such as individual rights, rule of law, limited government, rationality, this-worldliness, and peaceful trade — are infinitely superior to the authoritarianism, racism, death-worship, and theocracy advocated by militant Islamists.

Some people claim that such a perspective amounts to cultural imperialism, to forcibly imposing our Western values upon an unwilling Middle East. If so, then perhaps we’re no better than the militant Islamists seeking to impose their culture upon us. In fact, our options are not limited to either cultural relativism (regarding all cultures as morally equal) or cultural imperialism (imposing our cultural values upon others). The view at work here is perhaps best described as “cultural objectivism,” for it aims to (a) judge all cultures, including our own, by rational and appropriate moral standards and (b) defend the cultures which uphold those moral standards (by force if attacked). To make such moral distinctions is not merely morally permissible, but morally obligatory.

From the perspective of cultural objectivism, either you’re with us or you’re against us — and it’s time for President Bush to choose sides.


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My Schedule Today

 Posted by on 16 September 2004 at 10:59 pm  Uncategorized
Sep 162004
 

6:50 am: Wake up
7:00 am – 9:00 am: Finish writing up my TA debate presentation on 9/11
9:00 am – 9:30 am: Frantically shower and feed the ravenously hungry beasts
9:30 am – 10:30 am : Drive from Sedalia to Boulder, also listening to the Teaching Company course The Great Ideas of Psychology
11:00 am – 11:50 am: TA debate on 9/11 in the Intro to Ethics course
12:30 pm – 4:45 pm: Attend Ethics and Animals, Kant, and Locke classes
6:00 pm – 7:15 pm: Dinner and conversation with fellow Objectivists, first with pain from a migraine, then a slightly-out-of-body feeling from too much Excedrin
7:30 pm – 9:00 pm: Lead informal discussion on “The Objectivist Ethics” for the Boulder Objectivists Club meeting
9:15 pm – 10:30 pm: Drive from Boulder to Sedalia, also talking to Paul on the phone a bit, listening to the Teaching Company course The Great Ideas of Psychology, and stopping for milk
11:00 pm – 11:55 pm: Row five miles on rowing machine
11:55 am – 12:05 am: Write up this blog post, with way too many edits, including this silly line
12:15 am: Go to bed

Wow. Nighty-night, folks!

Update: Unsurprisingly, I feel like complete and utter crap this morning (next day, 9/17).


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News flash from the State Department about Saudi Arabia: “The [Saudi] Government does not provide legal protection for freedom of religion, and such protection does not exist in practice.” Wow, who knew?!? More particularly, the latest International Religious Freedom Report says this about Saudi Arabia:

Freedom of religion does not exist. It is not recognized or protected under the country’s laws, and basic religious freedoms are denied to all but those who adhere to the state-sanctioned version of Sunni Islam. Citizens are denied the freedom to choose or change their religion, and noncitizens practice their beliefs under severe restrictions. Islam is the official religion, and all citizens must be Muslims. The Government limits the practice of all but the officially sanctioned version of Islam and prohibits the public practice of other religions. During the period covered by this report, the Government publicly restated its policy that non-Muslims are free to practice their religions at home and in private. While the Government does not always respect this right in practice, many non-Muslims engage in private worship without harassment. As custodian of Islam’s two holiest sites in Mecca and Medina, the Government considers its legitimacy to rest largely on its interpretation and enforcement of Shari’a. Consequently, the Government has declared the Koran and the Sunna (tradition) of Muhammad to be the country’s Constitution. The Government follows the rigorously conservative and strict interpretation of the Salafi (often referred to as “Wahhabi”) school of the Sunni branch of Islam and discriminates against other branches of Islam. Neither the Government nor society in general accepts the concept of separation of religion and state.

Actually, that’s nothing new. The State Department has made similar claims in prior versions of the International Religious Freedom Report for years. The news flash is that Saudi Arabia is now listed as a “Country of Particular Concern” for “particularly severe violations of religious freedom” for the first time. Since nothing has changed in Saudi Arabia, I wonder what changed in the State Department.


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The Return of the Gulag

 Posted by on 15 September 2004 at 8:53 am  Uncategorized
Sep 152004
 

In his excellent book Russia Under the Old Regime, Richard Pipes persuasively argues that Russia’s embrace of communism was not a break with the past, but rather merely a variation upon the autocratic and patrimonial state that dominated Russia for all its centuries. In light of that repressive history, I’m not surprised that Putin is seeking to return Russia to autocratic government. Nor will I be surprised when he succeeds.

President Vladimir Putin announced plans Monday for a “radically restructured” political system that would bolster his power by ending the popular election of governors and independent lawmakers, moves he portrayed as a response to this month’s deadly seizure of a Russian school.

Under his plan, Putin would appoint all governors to create a “single chain of command” and allow Russians to vote only for political parties rather than specific candidates in parliamentary elections. Putin characterized the changes as enhancing national cohesion in the face of a terrorist threat, while critics called them another step toward restoring the tyranny of the state 13 years after the fall of the Soviet Union.

His plans must go through parliament, but the Kremlin controls more than two-thirds of the legislature directly and two other political parties quickly endorsed the ideas. Even the governors, who could lose their jobs, surrendered, either welcoming the plans or remaining silent.

The plan was the latest move in a five-year campaign by Putin to consolidate power and neutralize potential opposition in the new Russia. Since coming into office at the end of 1999, Putin’s government has taken over or closed all independent national television channels, established unrivaled dominance of both houses of parliament, reasserted control over the country’s huge energy industry and jailed or driven into exile business tycoons who defied him.

The newest moves take a vision he calls “managed democracy” to a new level. Although governors in Russia’s 89 regions have been elected since 1995, Putin’s plan would give the president the right to appoint them, subject to confirmation by local legislatures.

At the same time, the State Duma, or lower house of parliament, would consist only of members elected from party lists, meaning that political parties such as Putin’s United Russia would exercise exclusive control over everyone who runs for election.

Viktor Pokhmelkin, one of the few pro-Western independents left in the Duma, called Putin’s plan the restoration of “imperial management.” In an interview, he added: “Today a very serious mistake has been made. The mistake is a threat to the future of the Russian state.”

But most of the political establishment either supported or acquiesced to the Putin plan. Dmitri Rogozin, head of the Motherland party, and Vladimir Zhirinovsky, head of the Liberal Democrats, endorsed the changes. Communist leader Gennady Zyuganov denounced the measures, but he commands only half the Duma seats his party did when Putin came to power, so he has little ability to oppose them.

As a general rule, any country in which the communists are the only opponents of some scheme to grab political power is utterly doomed.

The article even notes that terrorism isn’t even an operative pretext since “in his public remarks, Putin offered little explanation for how the changes would defeat terrorism of the sort that visited Beslan earlier this month.”

Predictably, the Bush Administration has remained largely silent on the matter. A Washington Post editorial (found via Don Watkins)get it right:

Like a number of dictators around the world, Mr. Putin is learning that Mr. Bush’s passion for delivering speeches about freedom doesn’t mean he is willing to defend it in practice. Were he to do so, he would begin by issuing a statement as clear as that delivered yesterday by Democrat John F. Kerry. Mr. Kerry began by vowing to “work constructively with Russia” against terrorism, and then added: “I remain deeply concerned about President Putin’s ongoing moves to limit democratic freedoms and further centralize power. Russia will be a much more effective partner in the war on terror if its government is transparent, open to criticism, respectful of the rule of law and protects the human rights of its citizens, including those in Chechnya. Simply looking the other way — as the Bush administration has done — is not in the national security interest of the United States or Russia.”

Of course, I think that an even stronger statement is warranted, but at least Kerry spoke out. Moral pressure often has more impact than tolerationist appeasers of the left think — as the history of the Soviet Union demonstrates. For all of its talk, the Bush Administration cares little about genuine freedom. And an autocratic Russia, given its arsenal of nuclear weapons, is a grave threat to the security of the United States.

Frankly, I wonder how long Russians will have to wait for the return of the Gulag. Given that the vast majority of Russians seem content to allow their few short years of relative freedom slip back into autocracy, I cannot lament their likely future, as they are complicit in it. I do grieve for those few pro-Western Russians who understand what is at stake and who are fighting a desperate and losing battle for freedom in their country. They will be the first causalities.


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Strange Quote

 Posted by on 14 September 2004 at 6:19 pm  Uncategorized
Sep 142004
 

Wow, this is odd:

A thought for the day: Russian-born American novelist and screenwriter Ayn Rand said, “Disunity, that’s the trouble. It’s my absolute opinion that in our complex industrial society, no business enterprise can succeed without sharing the burden of the problem with other enterprises.”

Uh, I don’t think that Ayn Rand ever said that.

Update: Paul just suggested that the quote might come from one of the villians of Atlas Shrugged. That would be entertaining. (I could check the CD-ROM, but I’m too lazy.)


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Moose and Elk

 Posted by on 12 September 2004 at 7:03 pm  Uncategorized
Sep 122004
 

Well, I’m back home again. I spent all of last week camping in the Rocky Mountains with my parents. We saw tons of wildlife, including both elk and moose up close and personal. See for yourself:

Those large beasts were only about 20 to 30 feet away when I took the pictures. The (female) moose seemed quite placid, but I was a bit more worried about the (male) elk strutting about, seemingly looking for some action.

Around our first camp site in the Rocky Mountain National Park, the elk mating season was in full swing. We could hear the squeaky bellowing of the male elk day and night from the valley below.

I wasn’t too far from Boulder, so I was able to commute into school for classes on Tuesday and Thursday. (Normally I also teach two recitation sections on Monday, but Labor Day intervened this week.) Paul was able to join us for the first part of the week, but then he had to head to Atlanta for a medical conference. I’m eagerly awaiting his arrival home tonight.

It was a fabulous time.


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Just a Warning

 Posted by on 6 September 2004 at 6:10 am  Uncategorized
Sep 062004
 

My internet access is going to be fairly sporadic over the next week, so don’t expect any prompt replies to e-mail or much blogging. In fact, the boatload of e-mail in my inbox is likely to only grow in the next week.

Oh, and another professor is leaving Boulder. This time it’s Alan Carter, my environmental philosophy professor from last semester. (To my surprise, I did enjoy the class.) I’ve now lost track of how many holes we have in the department; I think that it’s something like 10 in a 23-person department or somesuch. And we’ve had more than 5 people leave just in the past year. Oy. Unforunately, given Paul’s work, it’s not feasible for me to go elsewhere. So I need to stick it out at Boulder, go who may.


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Luc Bovens

 Posted by on 31 August 2004 at 9:59 am  Uncategorized
Aug 312004
 

I just heard that Luc Bovens has decided to stay in London in his awesome job at The London School of Economics. I’m sorry that he won’t be returning to Boulder, as I really enjoyed his Ethics course my first year. Plus, it’s distressing to lose yet another professor in our already deficient department. Nonetheless, I wish him all the best!


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George W. Bush is a Fascist

 Posted by on 29 August 2004 at 8:58 am  Uncategorized
Aug 292004
 

No, I don’t actually believe my own headline. But if you want to understand why some folks on the left do, you might find this “analysis” illuminating. It’s from a world in which September 11th never happened.

Speaking of the left, I was determined not to watch Michael Moore’s Fahrenheit 9/11, as a regard him as an worthless ideologue more than willing to bend and twist the truth to suit his purposes. Unfortunately, the film is part of the Introduction to Ethics course that I’m TA’ing this semester. So I’ll be seeing it (with my professor and my fellow TAs) this Thursday. Apart from David Kopel’s long analysis of its deceits, where might I find other interesting commentaries on it?

Moore’s film is actually going to be the background for a debate that all five TAs will conduct on 9/11 and its aftermath over the course of two days of regular class. As I’m sure to be the only hawk, I’ve been reading Daniel Pipes’ Militant Islam Reaches America for some background, which has proven most illuminating. Any other highly recommended sources? In particular, which works on the subject from the Ayn Rand Bookstore might be worth reviewing?

Happily, Yaron Brook is coming to the Boulder campus to speak on the morality of war on September 23rd. Here’s the synopsis:

The Morality of War by Dr. Yaron Brook

As the death toll of American troops continues to mount, this three-year-long war, we are told, must drag on for years to come–and demand even greater sacrifices of our soldiers. At home, we are urged to accept the inevitability of further catastrophic terrorist attacks. Is military victory within our reach? And, if it is, then why must so many of our soldiers–and more civilians–die?

Why does Washington seem to care more about avoiding civilian casualties in Baghdad than in New York? Why does it fear torturing prisoners of war, if that could save American lives?

In this passionately reasoned lecture, Dr. Yaron Brook of the Ayn Rand Institute explains why America’s war is being sabotaged. He blames the moral code of Altruism–embodied in the “just-war” theory–that drives Washington’s battle plans. It is this code of warfare that explains why victory is within our reach, but consciously forfeited.

But, as Dr. Brook argues, there is an alternative–a morality of war that leads to unequivocal and swift victory. Drawing upon Ayn Rand’s philosophy, Objectivism, he advocates a morality of war based on the principles of rational egoism. It is a practicable, rational solution to the threats from Islamic totalitarianism.

Unfortunately, the lecture will take place after all of the debate in class is done and the students have turned in their short papers on the subject. Regardless, I hope to entice at least a few of my students to attend his lecture.


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